How Did Immigration Patterns Change In The Nineteenth Century

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Authors: ; Ilyin, Ilya V.; Korotayev, Andrey
Almanac: Globalistics and Globalization Studies Global Evolution, Historical Globalistics and Globalization Studies

The newspaper focuses on the period of increasing and intensified growth of urbani-zation in the nineteenth century. That was the origin of the modern urbanized world. The authors emphasize, however, that in the nineteenth century urbanization was initially vibrant in Europe and the United states of america. In other world regions rapid urbanization started more often than not in the twentieth century and led to a tremendous increment of the world urban population from less than 200 1000000 in 1900 to 2.86 billion in 2000.

Keywords: urbanization, cities, Europe, the nineteenth century.

To start with, let us consider the dynamics of urbanization in the nineteenth century in a broader, millennial perspective (meet Fig. i).

Looking at Fig. ane, i could become the impression that urbanization occurred in the twentieth rather than in the nineteenth century. Indeed, an explosion-similar growth of urban population was observed in the twentieth century. However, a closer look at the same time bridge in logarithmic scale makes information technology clear that the previous trend of urban population dynamics started changing already in the eighteenth century. The nineteenth century then brought about such rates of urbanization growth as were previously unknown (encounter Fig. 2).

The meaning of the nineteenth century in the history of urbanization becomes fifty-fifty more than pronounced when one does non look at the absolute number of urban citizens merely rather at their proportion in the total world population, i.e. the urbanization level (come across Fig. 3).

The nineteenth century witnessed a dramatic change in the dynamic of urbanization. Even though the early on mod time brought most numerous social, political, and economical changes, leading to the emergence of modern-type states, in that location was merely niggling change of patterns of urbanization if compared with previous centuries. The number of urban dwellers was growing, but this growth ran parallel to the general population growth, then their proportion in the full population remained virtually stable. Thus, in Europe the share of urban population (for cities with population of 5,000 and more) increased only from x–11.5 per cent in 1500 to 12–xiii per cent in 1700 (Bairoch 1988: 176). Co-ordinate to somewhat lower estimates the level of European urbanization in 1800 was only 10 per cent(de Vries 1984: 45).

In other regions of the world the state of affairs was pretty much the same, with urbanization levels existence approximately the aforementioned as or even lower than in Europe. In China with its rich history of urban civilization only six–7.5 per cent of the population resided in cities (population exceeding v,000 people) in the early nineteenth century (Bairoch 1988: 358). In Japan most 11–14 per cent of population dwelled in cities in 1700 (Ibid.: 360).

The nineteenth century broke this long-term stability, equally the share of earth urban population doubled from 6.6 per cent in 1800 to 12 per cent in 1900. The growth of urban population significantly outpaced the growth of the globe population in general. This allows us to state that it was namely in the nineteenth century that the modernistic procedure of global urbanization began.

All the same, despite its crucial influence on various spheres of life, the stride of the urban population growth in the nineteenth century should non be exaggerated. It was particularly fast in Western Europe, simply fifty-fifty here only one country, Great Britain, was more or less close to completing the urban transition by the end of the nineteenth century – more than half of its population resided in cities by 1900. Meanwhile, other European countries had simply passed the initial stages of the urbanization process; even the leaders, such equally Belgium and kingdom of the netherlands, had only about i-third of their population dwelling in cities by 1890 (see Table 1 and Fig. 4).

Table 1. The share of urban population in various European countries and regions at dissimilar fourth dimension points during the xix^thursday century, %

Country/region	1800	1850	1890
England	xx.3	xl.8	61.ix
Kingdom of belgium	18.nine	20.5	34.5
Germany	5.five	ten.8	28.2
France	8.8	fourteen.5	25.9
Kingdom of spain	11.1	17.3	26.8
Italia	14.6	20.3	21.two
Kingdom of the netherlands	28.8	29.five	33.4
Portugal	eight.seven	13.2	12.7
Scandinavia	4.6	5.8	13.2
Switzerland	3.7	7.7	16.0
Full Europe	10	16.7	29.0

Source: de Vries 1984: 45–46.

After 1890 European urbanization accelerated remarkably, and by 1910 the proportion of urban citizens in European population increased to 41 per cent. This was happening confronting the backdrop of a huge acceleration in the general growth of the population in Europe. As a outcome of these ii processes interim together, the overall growth of the absolute numbers of city dwellers was truly astonishing – subsequently merely a little more than 100 years the city population of Europe rocketed from 19 1000000 to 127 one thousand thousand (Bairoch 1988: 217).

This growth was concentrated in large cities and especially the capitals. 'The advantage of size meant growing economic opportunity in the metropolis, peculiarly if information technology was also the seat of regime, where the concentration of labor, entrepreneurship, commerce, credit, and intelligence attracted the restless and aggressive from all classes of gild' (Hamerow 1989: 94–95). Even so, not infrequently the capitals were outpaced past centers of industry and merchandise in attracting new citizens.

In the nineteenth century, large cities were growing all over the globe. However, it was in Europe and in the U.s.a. that this growth was particularly pronounced (see Table ii). As a result of this, Europe and the United states profoundly outpaced other world regions in terms of urbanization, and we see a major reconfiguration of the global distribution of the globe largest cities. This phenomenon is conspicuously visible when comparing the listing of thirty largest cities of the earth in 1800 with that in 1914 (see Table 3).

Table 2. Absolute (thousands) and relative (%) population growth in 1800–1914 in 30 largest (as of 1914) cities of the earth

	City	Absolute population growth during the nineteen ^thursday century, thousands	Relative population growth during the nineteen ^thursday century, % (population in 1800 = 100 %)
1.	London	half-dozen,558	762
2.	New York	6,637	x,535
3.	Paris	3,453	631
4.	Berlin	3,328	i,935
5.	Tokyo	2,815	411
6.	Chicago	2,420	Established after 1800
7.	Vienna	1,918	830
8.	Saint-Petersburg	ane,913	870
9.	Moscow	1,557	628
ten.	Philadelphia	i,692	ii,488
xi.	Buenos Aires	ane,596	four,694
12.	Manchester	1,519	one,875
13.	Birmingham	1,429	2,013
14.	Osaka	ane,097	286
fifteen.	Calcutta	1,238	764
16.	Boston	1,269	3,626
17.	Liverpool	1,224	1,611
18.	Hamburg	1,183	1,011
19.	Glasgow	one,041	1,239
20.	Constantinople	555	97
21.	Rio de Janeiro	ane,046	ii,377
22.	Bombay	940	671
23.	Budapest	996	1844
24.	Beijing	–100	–9
25.	Shanghai	910	1011
	City	Absolute population growth during the 19 ^thursday century, thousands	Relative population growth during the 19 ^th century, % (population in 1800 = 100 %)
26.	Warsaw	831	1108
27.	St. Louis	804	2
28.	Tianjin	655	504
29.	Pittsburgh	774	51567
thirty.	Cairo	649	295

Source: Chandler 1987.

Tabular array 3. 30 largest cities of the world in 1800 and in 1914 (cities of Europe and the USA are printed in bold type)

1800			1914
City	Land	Population in 1800, thousands	Metropolis	Land	Population in 1914, thousands
Beijing	China	1,100	London	Great Britain	7,419
London	Great Britain	861	New York	the U.s.a.	6,700
Canton	China	800	Paris	France	four,000
Edo	Japan	685	Berlin	Germany	three,500
Constantinople	the Ottoman Empire	570	Tokyo	Japan	3,500
Paris	French republic	547	Chicago	the USA	ii,420
Naples	Kingdom of Naples	430	Vienna	Austria	2,149
Hangzhou	China	387	Saint-Petersburg	Russia	ii,133
Osaka	Japan	383	Moscow	Russian federation	1,805
Kyoto	Nihon	377	Philadelphia	the Usa	1,760
Moscow	Russia	248	Buenos Aires	Argentine republic	ane,630
Suzhou	China	243	Manchester	Bang-up United kingdom of great britain and northern ireland	1,600
Lucknow	India (Peachy Britain)	240	Birmingham	Great Britain	1,500
Lisbon	Portugal	237	Osaka	Nippon	one,480
Vienna	Austria	231	Calcutta	Bharat	ane,400
Xian	Cathay	224	Boston	the U.s.	i,304
Saint-Petersburg	Russian federation	220	Liverpool	Dandy Britain	1,300
Amsterdam	Netherlands	195	Hamburg	Federal republic of germany	1,300
Seoul	Korea	194	Glasgow	United kingdom	1,125
Murshidabad	Bharat (Great Britain)	190	Constantinople	the Ottoman Empire	1,125
Cairo	Egypt	186	Rio de Janeiro	Brazil	1,090
Madrid	Espana	182	Bombay	Republic of india	1,080
Benares	India (Great United kingdom of great britain and northern ireland)	179	Budapest	Hungary	1,050
Amarapura	Burma	175	Beijing	China	1,000
Hyderabad	Republic of india (Great Britain)	175	Shanghai	China	1,000
Berlin	Germany	172	Warsaw	Poland	906
Patna	Bharat (Smashing U.k.)	170	St. Louis	the USA	804
Dublin	Ireland	165	Tianjin	People's republic of china	785
Kintechen	China	164	Pittsburgh	the Us	775
Calcutta	India (Great Britain)	162	Cairo	Arab republic of egypt	735

Source: Chandler 1987.

While in 1800 only three out of the earth'south 10 largest cities were located in Europe, in 1914 ix out of ten largest cities belonged to the European region or the USA. The simply exception, Tokyo, supports the general rule, as Nippon was the most successful instance of the European-mode modernization exterior the European earth.

The dynamics of the total population of the 30 largest cities of the world between 1800 and 1914 was explosion-like (see Fig. v). Data on the population growth in the seven largest cities of the world in 1800–1914 are presented in Fig. 6.

The Emergence of Modern-Blazon Cities

Sanitary infrastructure. For much of the nineteenth century the expiry rates in urban areas remained extremely loftier, especially considering infant and kid mortality. For example, in British industrial cities of Lancashire and Cheshire 198 out of i,000 children died earlier their first birthday – twice more than in rural areas (Bairoch 1988: 67). In the French city of Lille, one-quarter of children died earlier the historic period of three years (Lees and Lees 2007: 143). A similar situation had been observed in many other industrial cities in Europe. The main reasons for high mortality were dirty and unsanitary weather in the streets and houses (especially in the poor working-class neighborhoods), and even the contamination of the air of industrial cities was unbearable (Schultz 1989: 112). Gradually, in the second one-half of the nineteenth century, various solutions were offered to the problems of urban sanitation infrastructure. Thus, private wells by central public water supply. By the terminate of the nineteenth century more forty of the fifty largest U.s. cities had extensive water systems created and maintained by the state (Schultz 1989: 164). Previous ways of waste product disposal (part of it was taken past farmers for fertilizing, but a significant portion was disposed of in a completely unsanitary way – e.thou., dumped and poured in the outskirts of the urban center) were overtaken by modern sewerage systems. These ii phenomena (along with street paving, improvement of public lighting, etc.) played a crucial role in the development of cities and the reject of urban bloodshed.

Public transportation. Cities with hundreds of thousands citizens were confronted with the trouble of organizing a send network. Indeed, in contrast to the medieval craftsmen, industrial workers lived and worked in different places, and then most of them had to commute every solar day. According to Paul Bairoch, the public transport system was born in 1828 in Paris (which and so counted more 800,000 people) when the city installed its offset omnibus line. From Paris the public transport system spread throughout the Western world. Already in 1829, inspired by the success of Paris, London followed its example, and in 1831 New York did the same. In the next two decades the public transport system appeared in well-nigh all the major cities in Europe and Due north America. Public ship quickly gained popularity. By the end of the 1850s omnibuses in London and Paris carried 40 million passengers annually (Bairoch 1988: 281; Clark 2009: 273). In the 1850s the rail urban transport began to actively expand. The showtime electric tram was demonstrated by Siemens in 1879 and started working in Frankfurt in 1881. Electrification contributed to the development of the clandestine urban transport – on the eve of the Commencement World State of war metro lines were functioning in 12 cities of the globe, such equally London (since 1863), New York (1868), Istanbul (1875), Budapest (1897), Glasgow (1897), Vienna (1898), Paris (1900), Boston (1901), Berlin (1902), Philadelphia (1907) Hamburg (1912), Buenos Aires (1913) (Bairoch 1988: 282).

Urban infrastructure. An important novelty of the nineteenth century was the idea of planning the urban landscape. The initiative belonged to Prussia where in 1808 each municipality was obliged to establish a building committee, responsible for street paving and drainage systems, as well equally for the condition of sidewalks (Lees and Lees 2007: 123).

An integral part of the mod cities was constituted past numerous shops, peculiarly big department stores, many of which (Le Bon Marché, the first department store, which opened in Paris in 1852, London's Selfridge, etc.) continue to operate today. Most every major Western European metropolis (also as many small towns) for a certain flow of the nineteenth century experienced a real nail in the opening of stores. For example, in Britain their number grew by 300 per cent in the first half of the nineteenth century. In Vienna the number of stores tripled in 1870–1902, while in Paris it increased eightfold (Clark 2009: 266).

Significant changes were taking place not only in the public infinite of cities, only besides in private homes. By the middle of the nineteenth century rich American and European homes had running water; later this innovation appeared in the houses of the middle class. 93 per centum of London houses had running water on the eve of the Commencement World War (Clark 2009: 272). A change in house planning implied a separate room for hygiene procedures, which undoubtedly contributed to the decline in bloodshed from infectious diseases (Schultz 1989: 164).

References

Bairoch, P. 1988. Cities and Economic Development. From the Dawn of History to the Nowadays. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Chandler, T. 1987. Iv Thousand Years of Urban Growth: An Historical Census. Lewiston, NY: The Edwin Mellen Press.

Clark, P. 2009. European Cities and Towns: 400–2000. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Hamerow, T. D. 1989. The Birth of a New Europe. Country and Society in the Nineteenth Century. Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press.

Lees, A., and Lees, L. H. 2007. Cities and the Making of Modernistic Europe, 1750–1914. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Modelski, G. 2003. Earth Cities: –3000 to 2000. Washington: FAROS 2000.

Schultz, South. K. 1989. Constructing Urban Culture: American Cities and City Planning, 1800 – 1920. Philadelphia: Temple Academy Printing.

Un Population Division. 2016. United Nations. Department of Economic and Social Affairs. Population Partition Database. URL: http://world wide web.united nations.org/esa/population.

Vries, J., de. 1984. European Urbanization 1500–1800. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Academy Press.

* This research has been supported by Russian Science Foundation (project No fifteen-18-30063).